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Introduction
Since the beginning of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Spain has become an important European partner for Ukraine. Its support has included military assistance, humanitarian aid, refugee protection, reconstruction-related commitments, training for Ukrainian soldiers, and cooperation through regional authorities, municipalities, civil society organisations, churches and Ukrainian community structures.
This support has two dimensions. The first is institutional: government decisions, aid packages, temporary protection mechanisms and official statements. The second is practical: how assistance is implemented at the local level and how it is experienced by Ukrainians living in Spain.
Both dimensions matter. Official commitments demonstrate political solidarity with Ukraine. Local and community-level mechanisms determine whether support reaches displaced Ukrainians, Ukrainian civil society and Ukraine itself in a clear, accessible and effective way.
This article examines Spanish support for Ukraine across several levels: state policy, regional and municipal initiatives, civil society and religious organisations, and the role of the Ukrainian community in Spain. Particular attention is given to examples from Andalusia and other regions where local initiatives have played an important role in supporting both Ukraine and displaced Ukrainians.
State-Level Support: Military, Humanitarian and Refugee Assistance
Spain did not turn away from Ukraine after 2022. According to the Spanish government, by February 2025 Spain had granted temporary protection to 236,570 people affected by Russia’s war against Ukraine, making it one of the main EU countries receiving displaced Ukrainians. The Spanish reception system has relied heavily on CREADE centres in Madrid, Barcelona, Alicante and Málaga, which have served as key points for registration, assistance and referral.
The scale of this system has continued to grow. By 2026, official Spanish social security reporting indicated that more than 260,000 people had been assisted through the four CREADE centres and more than 126,000 had been documented. These figures show that Spain created a large administrative and humanitarian mechanism in response to the Ukrainian refugee crisis.
Spain has also made significant military commitments. In May 2024, Spain and Ukraine signed a bilateral security agreement under which Madrid committed €1 billion in military assistance for that year. In February 2025, Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez announced in Kyiv a new €1 billion military assistance package for Ukraine as part of the same broader security and defence framework. Sánchez also reiterated Spain’s commitment to support Ukraine “for as long as necessary” and stressed the principle: “Nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine, and nothing about European security without Europe.”
Spain’s contribution is not limited to equipment and financing. Within the EU Military Assistance Mission in support of Ukraine (EUMAM UA), Spain has become one of the important European training hubs for Ukrainian military personnel. By 2026, more than 9,000 Ukrainian soldiers had been trained on Spanish soil through more than 230 training modules across approximately 40 specialities.
The humanitarian track is also significant. In January 2025, Spain announced an additional €10 million in humanitarian aid for Ukraine, adding to more than €100 million already delivered by Spanish cooperation since the beginning of the full-scale war. This support has included humanitarian assistance, recovery-related projects and programmes connected to Ukraine’s resilience.
These figures demonstrate that Spain’s contribution is substantial. However, the effectiveness of support cannot be assessed only through the volume of commitments. It also depends on accessibility, implementation and coordination at the regional and local levels.
Although political debates regarding Ukraine exist within Spain, support for Ukraine has generally remained part of the country's mainstream foreign and security policy. Government statements, parliamentary initiatives and cooperation within NATO and the European Union have demonstrated a broad institutional commitment to Ukraine's sovereignty, territorial integrity and long-term security.
Regional and Municipal Support Mechanisms
Much of the practical impact of Spanish support for Ukraine is determined not in Madrid alone, but at the level of autonomous communities, provinces and municipalities.
Comunitat Valenciana provides one example. It allocated €12.73 million in direct support for Ukrainians without sufficient resources. In Torrevieja, where the Ukrainian community is particularly visible, the first Casa de Ucrania in Spain was opened inside the local reception and referral infrastructure. The centre was designed to provide information, guidance, integration support, employment-related assistance and a point of contact for the Ukrainian community.
This format is important because it goes beyond symbolic solidarity. It creates a physical space where displaced Ukrainians can seek practical information and maintain links with Ukraine while adapting to life in Spain.
Castellón offers another example of local humanitarian logistics. The municipality coordinated shipments of humanitarian and medical aid to Ukraine in cooperation with the Ukrainian association Kalyna. Reported deliveries included 19.5 tonnes of humanitarian aid and a later shipment of 20 tonnes of medical material, including hospital equipment and supplies. These cases demonstrate how municipalities can support Ukraine through practical coordination, storage, logistics and cooperation with local Ukrainian associations.
Málaga represents a different but equally important model: Ukrainian self-organisation combined with local institutional support. Around the Consulate of Ukraine in Málaga, Asociación Maydan Málaga, the Diputación, Junta de Andalucía, Ayuntamiento de Málaga and Cruz Roja, assistance to Ukrainians has been coordinated since March 2022. This included information services, reception of displaced persons, humanitarian shipments, housing support, translation, transport and volunteering.
The University of Málaga has also noted the role of the Ukrainian community in the province, including coordination around the Consulate and Maydan Málaga. This matters because local Ukrainian organisations often become the practical bridge between Spanish institutions and Ukrainians who need help.
Granada also provides relevant examples. In March 2022, Ayuntamiento de Granada declared its readiness to receive Ukrainian refugees and convened the Consejo Municipal de Cooperación Internacional to coordinate local action. The University of Granada created a support plan for those affected by the war, including accommodation, food, scholarships, research stays and support for members of the university community.
These examples show that local-level support is most effective when it combines municipal resources, civil society engagement and the active participation of Ukrainian organisations.
Civil Society and Religious Organisations
Civil society and religious organisations have played an important role in Spain’s support for Ukraine. In many cases, they have complemented state structures by reaching people who may struggle to navigate formal systems on their own.
Cáritas is one example of a network capable of supporting vulnerable groups, including older people, families without sufficient resources, people affected by trauma, and those facing language or administrative barriers. Religious and charitable networks often provide food, housing support, donations, parish-based assistance and help for displaced families.
A particularly visible case is the humanitarian work associated with Sor Lucía Caram. Her initiatives have supported the delivery of ambulances and other vehicles, humanitarian corridors and assistance for wounded Ukrainians. Reporting in 2026 described dozens of humanitarian missions to Ukraine and large-scale mobilisation of ambulances, medical vehicles, generators and other humanitarian supplies.
Such initiatives illustrate an important point: support for Ukraine in Spain is not only institutional. It also depends on individuals and organisations capable of building humanitarian routes, mobilising donors, and connecting Spanish society directly with Ukrainian needs.
The Ukrainian Community in Spain
After 2022, the Ukrainian community in Spain became not only a displaced population but also an organised civic actor. Ukrainians in Spain collect aid, translate, support newly arrived people, organise public events, speak with local authorities and explain to Spanish society that Ukraine is not a distant conflict but part of Europe’s wider security reality.
Asociación Maydan Málaga is one of the strongest examples. It emerged in 2014 after the Revolution of Dignity, reflecting the fact that for Ukrainians the war did not begin in 2022 but with Russia’s aggression against Ukraine in 2014. Maydan Málaga works on humanitarian aid, support for refugees, cultural presence, reception of displaced Ukrainians and regular shipments to Ukraine. The association has also reported both periodic lorries and smaller weekly shipments.
In Granada, Asociación Slava Ukraini de Granada plays an important role. It was formally created in April 2022 to give a legal and transparent framework to assistance that had already started after Russia’s full-scale invasion. Its areas of work include psychological support, legal advice, cultural, sporting and social activities for Ukrainians.
Together, Maydan Málaga and Slava Ukraini de Granada demonstrate that Ukrainian communities in Spain should not be viewed only as recipients of assistance. They are also organisers, translators, coordinators and advocates. They help Spanish institutions understand Ukrainian needs and often close gaps between formal programmes and practical realities.
Beyond humanitarian assistance, many Ukrainians have gradually become part of Spain’s labour market, educational system and local communities. Their integration has not only strengthened their own resilience but has also contributed to building stronger social, cultural and economic ties between Spain and Ukraine.
At the same time, local Ukrainian organisations also identify weaknesses in the support system. In 2023, Canal Sur reported that Slava Ukraini de Granada criticised the management of relocation processes for Ukrainian families after the emergency reception phase. The report cited the case of a 72-year-old Ukrainian woman with cancer who, according to the association, was being required to leave Granada despite receiving medical follow-up there.
This case should not be used to generalise the entire Spanish response. However, it illustrates a broader challenge: assistance mechanisms must be assessed not only by the existence of programmes, but also by continuity, accessibility and sensitivity to individual circumstances.
Challenges and Areas for Improvement
Spain’s support for Ukraine is real and significant. It includes temporary protection for hundreds of thousands of people, major military packages, training for Ukrainian soldiers, humanitarian assistance, reconstruction support and strong local initiatives.
However, several practical challenges remain.
First, access to assistance is not always simple. A displaced Ukrainian may have formal rights but still struggle to understand which institution is responsible, where to apply, what documents are needed and how to access housing, employment, healthcare or legal advice.
Second, housing remains one of the most difficult areas. Even where reception systems exist, the transition from emergency accommodation to stable housing can be complicated, especially for older people, single parents, families with children and people with health conditions.
Third, transparency and communication are essential. When funds are allocated and programmes are announced, Ukrainian communities need to understand how assistance is distributed, who manages it, who benefits from it and what measurable outcomes are achieved.
Fourth, Ukrainian organisations should be treated as partners, not only as community representatives invited after decisions have already been made. Their local knowledge is essential for designing effective support mechanisms.
Lessons for Other European Countries
The Spanish experience offers several lessons for other European countries supporting Ukraine and displaced Ukrainians.
First, national policy must be connected to local implementation. A strong government commitment is important, but practical support often depends on municipalities, schools, health services, employment offices and local civil society.
Second, Ukrainian communities must be integrated into support design. No country can build effective policy for Ukrainians without listening to Ukrainians themselves.
Third, successful support requires clear routes for beneficiaries. Ukrainians need accessible information about documents, housing, employment, education, healthcare, psychological support and legal advice.
Fourth, civil society, churches and volunteer networks should be seen as part of the support infrastructure. They often reach vulnerable groups faster and more directly than formal institutions.
Finally, transparency is central to trust. Aid is most effective when communities can understand where resources go, how decisions are made and what results are achieved.
Conclusion
Spain has become an important European supporter of Ukraine. Its contribution includes military assistance, humanitarian aid, refugee protection, training for Ukrainian soldiers, reconstruction-related commitments and a wide range of regional and local initiatives.
The Spanish case shows that support for Ukraine operates on several levels at once. State policy provides the framework. Municipalities and regional authorities deliver many practical mechanisms. Civil society and religious organisations create additional humanitarian capacity. Ukrainian associations ensure that assistance is connected to real needs on the ground.
The most effective initiatives are those that combine institutional resources with active Ukrainian participation. Spain’s experience demonstrates that Ukrainians abroad should not be seen only as refugees or beneficiaries of support. They are also partners, organisers and civic actors capable of strengthening the wider European response to Russia’s war.
The Spanish experience demonstrates that effective support for Ukraine cannot rely solely on government decisions. Sustainable assistance emerges when state institutions, local authorities, civil society organisations and Ukrainian communities work together. This combination has become one of the defining characteristics of Spain’s response to Russia’s war against Ukraine.
For Ukraine and its partners, this is the central lesson: solidarity must be measured not only by statements or funding figures, but by whether support reaches people, strengthens communities and contributes to Ukraine’s resilience.